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Copenhagen Outcomes
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Written by Ellie Johnston   
Sunday, 07 February 2010 22:38

Sitting in a cavernous reception hall dimly lit by Christmas lights and a projector screen broadcasting President Obama’s announcement of the Copenhagen Accord was not the end to the UN Climate Change Conference that I had anticipated—but really what had I anticipated? It was very late Friday, December 18th, 2009 and around me sat members of the International Youth Climate Movement, environmental organizations, and representatives of non-governmental organizations from across the world who had come to Copenhagen to bear witness to the UN climate negotiations but who had been shut out of the Bella Center, where the negotiations were held, in the final days of the two-week conference. As President Obama’s press conference concluded, there were resounding boos in the audience and blank stares as we sat aghast at the agreement that had just been described

The political outcome that came out of the conference, the Copenhagen Accord, realizes none of our demands and is characterized by a weak pledge and review framework for key mitigation targets that was left empty of commitments as leaders flew home. As news of the Copenhagen Accord spread in Copenhagen, stories on how it was brokered emerged to provide tinder for a wild fire of political drama and finger pointing. Reports suggest that the Accord came out of an unscheduled meeting between President Obama and leaders of China, Brazil, South Africa, and India. President Obama then announced the Copenhagen Accord as a “meaningful outcome,” before it went to the entire body of nations at the conference for acceptance. Then, after an all-night negotiating session, and lacking consensus on its approval, the UNFCCC decided to merely “take note of the Copenhagen Accord.” So, countries may sign onto it as they like, but there is no mandate to do so. The end of January 2010 was the deadline for countries to sign on to the Copenhagen Accord (though countries will not be turned away if they want to sign on later). As of January 31st, 55 countries have signed on, including the U.S, China, and other large greenhouse gas emitting nations, which currently account for 78% of global emissions. While accounting for global emissions is one thing, reducing those emissions is quite another. Under the Copenhagen Accord there is an aim to limit warming to 2 degrees C (an increase that will still leave many island nations uninhabitable), analyses indicate that current proposed targets, if implemented, will still leave us with drastic warming of 3.9 degrees C by the end of the century. Absent from the Accord are details about how deforestation will be reduced, how and how much money will be provided for climate adaptation and how exactly emission reductions will be monitored and verified. The Accord is not fair, ambitious, or binding. An incomplete political outcome was anticipated going into the negotiations, but for most there was still a harsh sting as we watched the results unfold that evening.

The UN Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen was one of the largest events ever held to address climate change politically. Though it was by no means the first effort; these negotiations have been occurring regularly since the early 1990’s. Copenhagen however, saw an unprecedented level of attention as the UN was overwhelmed with people, like me, interested in taking part in advocating for real solutions and witnessing the process that was to lead to a binding agreement. In total, 120 heads of states attended, and brought a previously unseen level of engagement to the issue. All this could have set the conference up for success, though unfortunately that was not the case. Fingers have pointed the blame in different directions. Though for us here in the US, we cannot look much further than our own inactions. In the US Senate energy and climate legislation is moving through at a snail’s pace, despite it being a way to create jobs, spark economic growth, and improve our energy independence.

The disappointing politics is the story most often told, but on the ground Copenhagen was much more than a political chess game. As President Obama’s press conference concluded on that Friday night and the force of the moment set in, a member of the International Youth Climate Movement brought us back. Standing up on a chair he announced that this was unacceptable and issued a call to action—a rally outside the Bella Center. More than eleven million people supported a fair, ambitious, and legally binding treaty, and there we were in Copenhagen watching those demands be sidelined. What else were we to do? Traveling by taxi and train, and dogged by police inquisitive of our plans as midnight passed, we arrived at the Bella Center, a place that had over the weeks become a familiar refuge from temperamental hostel owners, expensive Danish restaurants, and frigid winds. With our photo badges no longer allowing us access, hundreds of us stood chanting and holding signs outside in a last ditch effort to make our voices heard. Despite 2009 being one of the warmest years on record, the frigid Danish air threatened to drive us away, though we stayed warm as we stood close and lifted our voices for the world. As the negotiations continued inside, a Bolivian delegate who heard of our response came outside to offer support and reminded us that, “while it hadn’t been a success on the inside, it had been one on the outside.”

The days and weeks preceding had seen a climate march of100,000 people, a 7-hour sit-in inside the Bella Conference Center, 1,000’s of candlelight climate vigils globally, and a handful of people who had refused food for over 40 days being joined by thousands for a day of fasting for climate justice. The Bolivian delegate was right, Copenhagen was a magnificent coalescence of people whose demands for action are not unheard. People came from around the world and left with new friends and allies to support their work in the years to come.  More than a means to a political agreement, Copenhagen served as a catalyst for an emerging global community of people committed to ensuring our relationships with each other and the planet are sustainable.

I spent almost three weeks in Copenhagen, arriving days in advance of the conference and leaving several days after it concluded. It was intoxicating to be in a place where the pace and energy levels were so high and where everyone was operating at full capacity–pushing our limits intellectually, physically, and emotionally. There were dozens of times when I paused and looked around me, only to be silenced by what I saw–unable to put words to the scene unfolding.

I see a growing need for our global society to collectively dig deeper into what it means to be a citizen of this planet. Our individual spheres of influence wrap around the world, and yet it is so easy to forget this. In Copenhagen I met hundreds of people from around the world, many whose lives are being affected by climate change in very real ways, right now. Hearing people talk about droughts and rising sea levels back home, it is hard not to think about my own home and wonder if we can change our ways here. Returning home, I at once want to lapse back into the main stream of complacency and to continue escalating my activism, calling out all the atrocities of the world. A middle path will probably result from this, more deliberate and sustainable than if I realized the extremes of either. Like everything though, it is all part of a process and I’m learning, like many of my peers, that lasting change does not come in the form of legislation and treatises, but in the building momentum of people who dare to pursue solutions in the world.

 
High Speed Rail - Actions Speak Louder Than State of the Union Words
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Written by Kyle   
Saturday, 30 January 2010 21:52

cross-posted on It's Getting Hot in Here

Amtrak's Acela High Speed Train photo courtesy Wikimedia Commons

The U.S. youth climate movement has rightfully been dissecting Obama’s State of the Union speech and its aftermath – the good, the bad, the really? – and taking action of our own.

But this week, Obama did more than just talk, he acted, putting a big down payment on a high speed rail network that will cut pollution, save energy, and provide good jobs in the clean energy economy.

On Thursday, President Obama and U.S. Transportation Secretary (and former Illinois Republican congressman) Ray LaHood announced $8 billion in economic recovery money dedicated to building high speed rail and otherwise improving rail transportation across much of the country.

That’s good for cutting climate change and improving air quality, since rail transportation is more energy efficient and overall less polluting than cars or planes. That’s assuming people actually use it, though, and long travel times compared to flying have hurt Amtrak’s public acceptance, even as it’s fastest routes grew their ridership (page 6).

It’s good for creating American manufacturing and other blue collar jobs, too. The administration estimates it will add and protect tens of thousands by the time the money is fully spent.

It’s also a big change from the last administration. In 2007, when the independent, congressionally mandated National Surface Transportation Policy and Revenue Study Commission released its final report on funding and improving our road and rails, recommending $7-$9 billion per year in passenger rail investments (sound like a familiar number?), then-Secretary of Transportation Mary Peters was one of only three commissioners to object (page 65) to passenger rail funding, and President Bush showed little interest in the issue.

Last Updated on Saturday, 30 January 2010 21:58
 
A Rookie's Impression of COP-15
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Written by Therese Miranda   
Thursday, 21 January 2010 20:53

Author’s Note: This December, I had the opportunity to attend the UN Climate negotiations in Copenhagen in two capacities: as a Junior Fellow at the Carnegie Endowment and as part of the International Youth Climate Movement.  Copenhagen was my first time attending a Conference of Parties (COP), the annual meeting of Parties to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC or the Convention), and I came away with a few strong impressions of the outcome of COP-15 and the steps that will be necessary going forward to protect my and future generations.  As a rookie to international negotiations who only recently entered the workplace, my perspective is a bit different from that of many negotiators, heads of state, and even other commentators: my generation will be alive well into the decades of serious climate change that today’s action (or inaction) shapes.

As Copenhagen becomes a memory, many are left attempting to make sense of its unconventional outcome and what it means for the future. The negotiations produced three main outcomes: the Copenhagen Accord, and the extension of both the AWG-LCA and the AWG-KP tracks.1 None of these were particularly progressive, although they do represent forward movement. In essence, the latter two simply mean that the two-track approach the UNFCCC has followed since the development of the Bali Road Map2 in 2007 has been extended through COP-16, to be held in Mexico from November 29 – December 10, 2010, with a view towards reaching a final conclusion at that meeting.  The progress made in Copenhagen on the negotiating text for both tracks will be carried forward, with the reports made by each group serving as the starting point for future negotiations.

The AWG-KP track deals with all aspects of UNFCCC business associated with the Kyoto Protocol, including, but not limited to, assembling country greenhouse gas inventories and progress reports for the first commitment period, overseeing the Clean Development Mechanism,  and setting mitigation targets for Annex I countries for a second commitment period.  The AWG-LCA track focuses on the dual challenges mentioned above and any other issues that influence the long-term ability of Parties to implement the Convention. AWG-LCA’s work is generally broken down into shared vision, mitigation, adaptation, technology transfer, and financing. The legal format of the outcome it will produce has not yet been agreed upon, nor has its relation to the Kyoto Protocol. The two-track process was put in place largely as a way of addressing the dual challenges of incorporating Parties that are not signatories to the Kyoto Protocol—notably the United States—into a framework and of developing a framework that allows Non-Annex I Parties—essentially, developing countries—to undertake nationally appropriate mitigation actions (NAMAs) in the context of a UN agreement, while still continuing to oversee the Kyoto Protocol.

 

Last Updated on Thursday, 21 January 2010 20:55
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